Kids Need Attorneys, Too

I’m not a lawyer. So, when I first took this job at Children’s Law Center (CLC), I didn’t yet know how to answer this basic question: Why would a child need their own attorney?  

It wasn’t until after I started this job that my mom even told me that I had my own attorney as a child, during a high-conflict custody case.  

Since starting at CLC, I’ve found that the pool of youths’ legal challenges is vast, and that successfully navigating these challenges requires specialized, individualized representation. I've seen countless ways young people require legal services—from education advocacy and record clearing to navigating victimization, maltreatment, and family instability. 

I’ve also seen the ways that young people fall through the cracks. This isn’t for lack of effort or care—but is too often the result of systems designed around ideal conditions that don’t hold in practice. In our ideal world, these statements are always true:  

  • Parents protect children’s interests.  

  • Courts ensure fairness.  

  • Schools follow the law.  

If there’s one thing I did know before starting in this role, it was that we do not live in an ideal world. When our assumptions fail, kids are the ones who suffer the consequences of our expectations. Young people frequently suffer from trauma, family disruption, and barriers to basic needs like housing and education. Until we grapple with that reality, kids will continue to fall through the cracks.  

If systems are imperfect, children need safeguards that don’t rely on ideal conditions. Independent counsel for kids isn’t just nice to have—it’s an essential safeguard to protect young people’s rights, interests, health, and safety when systems aren’t working as intended. 

Throughout this piece, I'll use the terms "children," "kids," and "young people" interchangeably to describe the individuals CLC serves from birth through age 25. That's intentional. While our legal systems often treat age 18 as the dividing line between childhood and adulthood, the realities of development—and the legal challenges young people face—are far more complex. 

 

They’re Not “Just Kids:” They’re People with Rights 

Two concurrent realities shape how we must understand young people’s interactions with legal systems.  

First: children are not extensions of their parents. They are independent individuals with their own, enforceable rights; rights that sometimes conflict with a caregiver’s preferences. In many legal proceedings (high-conflict custody cases, for example), the child is the central figure. Without attorney representation, however, the child is often the only person in the courtroom whose voice is unheard and whose interests go unrepresented, even though the Court is expected to make a ruling “in the best interests of the child.”  

The absence of direct representation for kids assumes caregivers and courts will always fully protect each child’s interests. When caregivers also fall victim to system-level assumptions, young people suffer. Addiction, abuse, mental health challenges, economic instability, and trauma can create a disconnect between what a caregiver intends and what a child requires for safety and stability. Without the child’s voice included in proceedings, the court lacks the full picture to determine what a real, best-case outcome is for the child.  

Ultimately, when a child’s rights are filtered solely through attorneys for the adult caregivers or even attorneys for child protective services, a structural gap emerges. Independent legal advocacy closes that gap by recognizing the child as a distinct party within the proceeding. 

Second: Legal adulthood does not equate to developmental adulthood. In the U.S., our legal system relies heavily on age-based milestones that are more akin to administrative bright-line rules than developmental reality. At 18, a young person is immediately determined to be capable of navigating contracts, courtrooms, housing agreements, and the long-term consequences of their actions.  

Developmental science paints a different picture. 

Impulse control, risk assessment, future planning, and susceptibility to coercion don’t fully develop until well into our mid-twenties. The law, with its presumption of adulthood at 18, assigns adult responsibilities to still-developing brains. This leaves young people more vulnerable, with less capacity for long-term consequence evaluation—and fewer legal supports to meet them in the middle. 

It is worth remembering that the age of 18 is a legal milestone, not a neurological one. Recognizing this mismatch does not diminish young people’s agency, as young people deserve autonomy over their lives and decisions. Rather, it contextualizes how judgment in stressful, adversarial, or otherwise high-stakes environments takes shape in a developing brain.  

Developmentally appropriate legal advocacy can account both for young people’s agency and the ways in which they continue to develop cognitive and emotional skills. It ensures legal systems are calibrated to youths’ stages of development.   

When we design our legal systems around bright-line definitions instead of the realities of development, youth-centered representation becomes a necessary structural safeguard to protect young people’s rights.  

 

Structural Vulnerabilities that Put Young People at Risk 

Children interact with multiple systems every day—schools, courts, child welfare—but these youth-serving systems were not designed with youths’ needs as the central focus. Instead of creating safeguards, each assumes ideal conditions, such as those mentioned above: that caregivers will fully protect a child’s interests, that youth will understand and navigate procedures designed for adults, and that adults in authority will consistently act fairly. These assumptions often break down, leaving children vulnerable in the very places supposed to support them. 

Education: Schools are governed by dense legal frameworks that students and families are expected to navigate on their own. The system relies on two significant assumptions: 

  1. Parents and/or students understand and can advocate for children’s educational rights, especially related to school discipline, special education, and accommodations. 

  1. Public schools have the resources and capacity to consistently provide proper supports to every child. 

In practice, language barriers, limited access to information, understaffing, and underfunding can make those assumptions difficult to sustain. When these failures occur, students face exclusion from learning, inequitable discipline, and missed educational supports. Youth-centered legal advocacy helps students secure accommodations, enforce disability rights, and remain connected to school.  

Child Welfare and Custody: Child welfare systems are designed to protect children, but they rely on assumptions that caregivers always have capacity to meet their children’s needs, right when those needs arise—and too often, we forget that caregivers face their own barriers to accessing basic needs. In practice, families face trauma, substance use, mental health challenges, and instability that complicate these assumptions.  

When that gap between intention, capacity, and practical challenges surfaces, a custody dispute may pit a child’s needs against a caregiver’s capacity to meet them. Without independent representation, the child’s perspective can be lost entirely in this complex reality. Youth-centered attorneys ensure that children’s voices are heard, that their safety and wellbeing are prioritized, and that decisions reflect the child as an independent rights-holder rather than an extension of their parents. This looks like a young person who wants to maintain contact during a parent’s recovery—and an attorney who advocates for that to happen in safe, healthy ways. 

Justice System: Young people encounter justice systems as victims, witnesses, or defendants. It is not yet consistent, though, that these systems are calibrated to youths’ stages of development. Even in systems built “for” kids, like juvenile court, there may still be adults in the room who lack understanding of how children think, process trauma, or weigh consequences. The line at 18 can be as harsh as it can be flexible, often to the detriment of the child: a young adult can be navigating fully adult court systems just months after aging out of youth-specific services, and in some cases, minors are legally reclassified as adults within that same system.  

For example, youth under or over 18 may be expected to navigate plea agreements, testify under cross-examination, or face adult sentencing procedures, despite limited impulse control, developing risk assessment skills, and heightened vulnerability to retraumatization.  

The challenge isn’t simply that the law draws the line at 18. It’s that our systems apply concepts of childhood and adulthood inconsistently, often stretching or shrinking them based on media and political narratives rather than developmental realities. Depending on the local, state, and federal administrations, the same court may transfer youth to adult court more readily in one cycle and maintain reliance on juvenile courts in the next. Youth-centered legal advocacy helps navigate these inconsistencies, translating complex legal processes, protecting rights, and ensuring decisions are grounded in developmental context. 

Emerging Adulthood: Once a young person reaches 18, legal systems assume they can independently manage housing, employment, healthcare, and financial obligations. Yet young adults continue to rely on support while still developing executive functioning, long-term planning, and judgment under stress.  

Eviction notices, healthcare decisions, and employment barriers can escalate quickly, leaving young people vulnerable. This is exacerbated for young people who are transitioning from out-of-home placements, such as detention or foster care—or for youth who have already experienced housing insecurity. Attorneys focused on emerging adults help navigate these high-stakes transitions, safeguard legal rights, and connect youth to resources that support stability and growth, through record sealing, housing advocacy, eviction mitigation, and related supports. 

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Across systems, the pattern is consistent: when assumptions about protection, capacity, and fairness break down, young people are left to navigate complex legal environments without the resources or authority to protect themselves. Independent legal advocacy is what transforms those gaps into enforceable protections.  

 

Conclusion 

So why does a child need an attorney? Three years ago, I couldn’t have clearly answered this question or explained the role youth-centered advocacy plays across systems. Today, I can—because I’ve seen, over the past 1,000 days, what it means for a child to have someone whose sole responsibility is to protect their interests.  

When parents, schools, and the criminal justice system fall short in their obligations to protect children, youth-centered legal advocacy has the power to change the outcome. When children have their needs, including legal representation, met, we create the conditions for resilience to translate into stability, safety, and opportunity.  

This belief is what drives CLC's work across Ohio and Kentucky, where hundreds of young people each year receive free legal representation in schools, courts, and child welfare proceedings.  

Children need their own attorneys for the same reason adults do: because rights are only meaningful when someone is empowered to protect them. 

Why I Give: A Donor’s Commitment to Standing Up for Children’s Rights

I am a retired legal aid attorney. Over my nearly 40-year career, I had extensive opportunity to observe the impacts of poverty on children.

At the outset of my career in Northern Kentucky, I had the good fortune to meet and get to know Kim (Brooks) Tandy. At the time, Kim was working to open a Runaway Youth Shelter in Covington, at the same time that I was running for the Covington City Commission.

A number of residents in the neighborhood where Kim was seeking to establish the Shelter opposed having it there. Several of them asked me, when I campaigned in their

neighborhood, what I thought about the shelter being located there. I said what I truly believed: I thought it would be in great service to the community.

I lost a lot of votes in that neighborhood. But I remained firm in my belief that Kim was providing great and important leadership in efforts to better the lives of children.

In the years ahead, Kim carried those efforts forward and established the Children’s Law Center (CLC). I served on its Board of Directors for a number of years. The important work of the Center in holding law enforcement agencies accountable for their treatment of children resonates with me still—from challenging conditions in juvenile detention facilities to advocating for children whose rights were violated.

In the 1990s and early 2000s, I served on the Covington School Board. We frequently dealt with difficult situations involving kids who acted out in school, many of which resulted in disciplinary actions—some severe. The Center represented some of those children. I remember telling Kim I wished they would represent more of them, as most went unrepresented. I'm glad to know that today, they represent far more.

This history demonstrates why I so strongly support the Children’s Law Center. It is the premier organization that advocates for children’s rights, and that has over time addressed successfully some of the most severe and intractable problems facing children in our society. For those who are looking for a way to support the next generation, I encourage you to direct your support to CLC. The legal issues that too often remain invisible for children have significant, long-term impacts on each young person’s ability to grow up and become productive, successful citizens.

I believe we are all shaped by our DNA and our parenting—that is, the conditions of our childhood greatly influence the adults we become. And that addressing the needs of children at the outset of their lives, when there is the maximum potential for positive development, is a critically important aspect of creating a stronger and more humane community.

I am proud to support CLC. I encourage you to learn more about its work. I am confident that if you do, you will feel the same conviction I do.

Keeping Families Together: What SB 122 Means for Kentucky Kids and Adverse Childhood Experiences

Imagine being five years old and waking up to police officers at your front door to arrest your parent.

For thousands of Kentucky children, that moment isn’t hypothetical. It’s a memory. And it’s one that follows them for years, shaping their sense of safety long after the sirens fade.

Parental incarceration is one of the most common, and often overlooked, adverse childhood experiences (“ACEs”) in our state. This past legislative session, Kentucky lawmakers took a meaningful step toward changing that with Senate Bill 122, which asks judges to consider something they haven’t always been required to weigh: whether the person standing in front of them is the person a child depends on to survive.

What Are ACEs and Why Does a Parent’s Incarceration Count as One?

Adverse childhood experiences (“ACEs”) are the potentially traumatic events researchers have linked to worse health, education, and life outcomes decades later. Things like abuse, neglect, domestic violence in the home, or the loss of a parent can have significant long-term impacts on our health and wellbeing, well into adulthood. Since the original ACE study in the 1990s, the incarceration of a parent or guardian has been included on that list, right alongside abuse and neglect.

That’s not just a technicality. Research consistently shows that kids with an incarcerated parent are exposed to nearly five times as many other ACEs as kids who don’t have that experience (an average of about two additional adverse experiences, compared to less than half of one for their peers). Losing a parent to incarceration rarely happens in isolation; it tends to arrive alongside housing instability, lost income, and disrupted caregiving, each of which compounds the harm.

The Kentucky Numbers

Roughly 1 in 9 Kentucky kids grow up with a parent who's been incarcerated — a rate higher than every state but one. This burden isn’t distributed evenly either; close to 6 in 10 incarcerated women in Kentucky, and just over half of incarcerated men, are caretakers for minor

children. Because mothers so often hold together a family’s daily caregiving, their incarceration carries a steeper cost. Kids with an incarcerated mother land in foster care at roughly five times the rate of kids whose incarcerated parent is their father.

Every one of those numbers represents a kid whose daily life (school pickup, bedtime, the person who knows their favorite snack) was upended, often with little warning and no say in the matter.

What Senate Bill 122 Does

Section 1 of SB 122, titled the Family Preservation and Accountability Act, amends Kentucky’s core probation statute (KRS 533.010) to give judges a clearer path to keep caregivers out of prison when a safer, effective alternative exists.

Here’s what changes in practice: before a judge sentences someone to prison, they must now specifically consider whether that person is a “caretaker” (someone who has consistently provided housing, health care, education, or other support for a dependent child or family member, or a woman who is pregnant or gave birth while awaiting sentencing). That caretaker status becomes part of the same risk-and-needs evaluation courts already use to decide between probation and incarceration.

More importantly, this isn’t a “get out of accountability free” card. The bill still requires restitution and no-contact conditions to protect victims. Where a judge determines prison isn’t necessary for public safety, there are real, structured alternatives: home incarceration; residential treatment; halfway houses; probation paired with substance use treatment, parenting classes, vocational training; and even restorative practices that hold the person accountable directly to their victim. Judges retain full discretion to send someone to prison when public safety demands it. What SB 122 adds is a requirement that they actually look at the caregiving relationship before making that call—and a fuller toolbox of alternatives when incarceration isn’t the safest option for everyone involved, including the child.

Why This Matters for Kids

Other states have already found that this kind of reform works. Programs that keep caregivers connected to their kids, through alternative sentencing or diversion rather than straight incarceration, tend to produce better outcomes across the board: fewer kids entering foster care,

lower recidivism, and real savings for state budgets that would otherwise go toward incarceration alone. Keeping a family together isn’t just kinder; it’s often the more effective public safety strategy.

For the kids of Kentucky, that matters enormously. A child whose parent successfully completes treatment and comes home is a child spared from the added ACEs that so often follow incarceration. Recognizing parental incarceration as a preventable harm, not just an unavoidable consequence of the justice system, is exactly the kind of shift ACE-informed policy is supposed to produce.

We know SB 122 won’t solve every challenge facing those Kentucky families who are impacted by the justice system. But it reflects something we should all be able to agree on: that when it’s safe to do so, keeping a parent and child together is worth building into the law, not just hoping for. That’s a step in the right direction for Kentucky’s kids. And one we’re glad to see our lawmakers take.

Sources:

1. Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs), BOUNCE, https://bouncecoalition.org/what-are-aces/ (last visited July 22, 2026).

2. Children who had a parent who was ever incarcerated, THE ANNIE E. CASEY FOUNDATION, https://datacenter.aecf.org/data/line/9688-children-who-had-a-parent-who-was-ever-incarcerated?loc=27&loct=2 (last visited July 22, 2026).

3. Crystal Willis, Breaking Barriers: Understanding the Impact of Parental Incarceration on Kentucky Families, KENTUCKY YOUTH ADVOCATES (Oct. 24, 2023), https://kyyouth.org/breaking-barriers-understanding-the-impact-of-parental-incarceration-on-kentucky-families/ (last visited July 22, 2026).

4. Family Sentencing Alternative Pilot Program: Report to the Senate and House Committees on Judiciary, OREGON DEPARTMENT OF HUMAN SERVICES (Jan. 23, 2019), https://www.oregon.gov/cjc/SAC/Documents/FSAPPJointReport2019.pdf (last visited July 22, 2026).

5. Incarcerating Caregivers Hurts Kentucky Families, ACLU KENTUCKY (Sept. 27, 2024), https://www.cjcj.org/news/blog/let-kids-be-kids-the-effects-of-parental-incarceration-on-children (last visited July 22, 2026).

6. Let Kids Be Kids: The Effects of Parental Incarceration on Children, CENTER ON JUVENILE & CRIMINAL JUSTICE (Aug. 17, 2023), https://www.cjcj.org/news/blog/let-kids-be-kids-the-effects-of-parental-incarceration-on-children (last visited July 22, 2026).

7. We Can Prevent Childhood Adversity: The Science of Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) Shows We Can Improve People’s Lives and Help Them Thrive, CDC, https://vetoviolence.cdc.gov/apps/aces-infographic/ (last visited July 22, 2026).